15 Best Casinos In Mexico (Casinos en Mexico) In 2020

Suspect says Mexico casino fire set over unpaid extortion money: Five are arrested in the deadly Monterrey arson as public outrage mounts, with some calls for the president and state governor's resignation over the rising toll from the bloody drug war.

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X-RAY OF A TRAGEDY, RECOUNTING THE WAR ON DRUGS IN MEXICO YEAR BY YEAR

Felipe Calderón Hinojosa wanted his government (2006-2012) to be remembered as the six-year term of security.

He bet on the persecution of organized crime, multiplied spending on federal police, sent the army to the streets and launched a strategy to make his actions convincing: the war against drug trafficking. The year prior to his inauguration, the country's homicide rate was 9.5 per 100,000 inhabitants.
The figure soon multiplied, leading the government to deny that there were collateral victims; those killed in the "war" were criminals or heroes - policemen and soldiers - who fought them. Fourteen years later, too many unknown victims have fallen in this battle. Estimates are close to 250,000 dead and 60,000 missing.
The beggining
The beginning of this dark and violent era can be dated December 11, 2006. On that day, then-President Felipe Calderón declared war on narco.
The intention was to arrest criminals who acted as lords and masters in various entities. He launched the Joint Operation Michoacán and sent 6,000 troops to stop the violence of the cartels. Since then, the beast of crime felt the prick in the back and has not stopped slapping its tail.
There have been fourteen in which it has been learned to measure homicides linked to this type of violence. Fourteen years in which the structure of the narco "faltered": new cells arose, new leaders appeared, others died or were killed. It has been fourteen years in which journalists have used self-censorship as their “survival” card. Fourteen years, 168 months and 5,250 days, of "blood and lead."
Heads rolled in Michoacán
The attack on the Sol y Sombra bar, which occurred on September 7, 2006, in Uruapan, Michoacán, it is said, was the germ of the war against drug trafficking that ex-president Felipe Calderón waged.
That day, a score of hooded individuals with AK-47 rifles dressed in Federal Investigation Agency uniforms opened fire without commiseration on the business.
The roar of the bullets sent dancers and customers to the ground. The fake agents entered, approached the dance floor and took out a bag with five heads. They left without a word, but left a narco-message. “The family does not kill for pay, it does not kill women and innocents. Only those who must die die. Sepal. This is divine justice ”, it read.
This crime attracted international attention like few before. It was also the first time that the name La Familia Michoacana spread to the rest of the country.
Four months after the start of the war against drug trafficking, the Army - responsible for the fight with criminal groups - suffered its first major ambush. It was in Carácuaro, in the Tierra Caliente region, near Guerrero and the State of Mexico.
On the night of May 1, 2007, an armed group attacked a military convoy with rifles and grenades during a patrol. Five soldiers, a colonel, a sergeant and three corporals were killed.
The Army turned in the area. Within days they arrested ten people, four of them women and minors. They seized long and short weapons and scored a victory.
In September, however, the minors reported rape and sexual abuse by the military. The National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) issued a devastating report. Shortly after the war against drugs, elements of the Army were already facing charges of arbitrary detentions, torture, sexual abuse and rape. It would not be the last time.
That was just the beginning. On the day of the scream, Independence Day, criminals would throw hand grenades at a crowd in the center of Morelia, Michoacán in 2008. Almost a dozen dead and more than 100 injured would be the figures for the violent episode.
In 2009, Calderón captured dozens of Michoacán officials for alleged ties to drug traffickers. Most were released months later.
Ciudad Juarez, resist
Hell broke loose on this site.
When Felipe Calderón came to power, in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, two people were killed a day. In 2008, the average rose to five, and in 2009 there were already seven daily deaths.
It was enough just to look out to the city to see that many of the victims were young people captured by some criminal organization and killed in retaliation by a rival cartel. But also, it was easy to find a good number of lawyers, policemen, engineers, doctors, journalists turned into corpses and suspects.
In 2010, at least 60 student students were celebrating a party at number 1,310 Viñas del Portal street, when a group of hitmen arrived at the site aboard seven vans. Without a word, the hooded men shot at the teenagers. Sixteen died.
That same year, Luis Freddy Lala Pomavilla, 18, a bleeding and badly wounded Ecuadorian, arrived at an Army checkpoint on Highway 101 in Tamaulipas —on the border between Mexico and the United States— announcing: "they were all killed."
Before dying in a clinic, the man accompanied the soldiers to a ranch in San Fernando where the horror was found: 72 migrants lying on the ground and killed. The massacre also included another piece of information: the kidnapping of undocumented immigrants was a new item in the dirty business of the cartels.
As they explained, the drama began when members of Los Zetas forced him to work for them. By rejecting the proposal, they were killed one by one, with shots in the back and the head. The corpses passed like this for hours until Luis Freddy gave the warning.
The cruelty of the massacre and the calm with which it was carried out stunned the country.
A year later, 2011, the misfortune was called Casino Royal. The attack on the gambling business in Monterrey, Nuevo León, lasted only an instant, but it was enough to leave 52 dead and dismay an entire city.
With the crime, the people of Monterrey lived a day with a mixture of anger, indignation, sadness, and frustration due to the insecurity and the wave of violence that escalated in recent years.
The macabre events continued to shake Mexico. In May 2012, the mutilated bodies of 49 people were found on a road near the town of Cadereyta, in Nuevo Léon. The killers left only the torsos of the victims in plastic bags.
The massacre was added to the one that occurred in Jalisco, where 18 bodies were found, some of them beheaded.
By December of that year, the government changed, but not the legacy of the war.
In 2013, the epicenter of the pain moved to Tierra Caliente - a region that includes the states of Guerrero and Michoacán. There, the challenge of the self-defense groups escalated. The intention of this group of civilians up in arms was to rid the neighbors of the harassment of the Knights Templar cartel.
During the six-year terms of Enrique Peña Nieto and Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the declared war against drugs was no longer explicit, but in the facts disappearances and confrontations continued. From Ayotzinapa to Culiacanazo and the LeBarón massacre, tragic events linked to organized crime squeezed the entire country.
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Extreme acts of violence in Mexico are on the rise: 27 burned to death at a strip club

This is the best tl;dr I could make, original reduced by 84%. (I'm a bot)
The inferno that engulfed the White Horse bar in southern Mexico on Tuesday night killed 27 people and injured more than a dozen others.
The attack came almost eight years to the day after a similar fire at a casino in the northern city of Monterrey killed 52 people, and it raised concerns that Mexico's criminal groups may returning to the kind of spectacular acts of violence that characterized earlier periods of insecurity here.
There are many reasons why criminal groups might decide to carry out more dramatic acts of violence, analysts say.
One criminal group might do so to focus unwanted police attention on a region controlled by another group.
Alejandro Hope, a security analyst based in Mexico City, said such acts are deployed "To buttress the reputation of a particular group."
Such rapid political turnover has disrupted agreements between cartels and public officials, said Falko Ernst, senior analyst for Mexico at the International Crisis Group.
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